Democracy Reinvented

TNI

June 2005

Democracy Reinvented
Marco Visscher
Ode, September 2003

Reclaim the State
Experiments in Popular Democracy
Hilary Wainwright

When old institutions fail, people discover something new

In violation of international law, George Bush and Tony Blair, both elected to their national leadership positions by a minority of voters in their respective countries, started a war against a dictator who was already under strict supervision of the United Nations. They were supported by the Prime Minister of Spain, who, according to the polls, in doing so acted against the will of 90% of his people. Do you call that democracy?

Corporations face a decreasing number of restrictions when they want to open foreign branches. At the same time, an increasing number of critics feel that the rights to food, decent wages and humane working conditions, to health and to education, are being subordinated to corporations' desires to make profit. National governments have fewer and fewer means to guarantee these basic rights. Do you call that democracy?

Since the 1980s, governments, riding the wave of neo-liberalism and globalisation, have increasingly delegated responsibilities to the private sector. But the stories of privatisation do not always have happy endings. The market only works for people with enough money to pay its prices. Yet, in her new book "Reclaim the State" author Hilary Wainwright does not advocate the return of big government. Previously, she made an important contribution to the essential debate about the meaning and future of democracy.

"When old institutions fail, people invent", Wainwright writes. For "Reclaim the State" she ventured into various laboratories, where experiments are going on with new forms of democracy, as an antidote to the wrongs that are resulting from the new, market-driven international world order. The fact that the experiments she selected are all local initiatives might seem rather misplaced at first. But Wainwright claims, in order to be effective, international networks and campaigns must be rooted in people's day-to-day lives. Especially the lives of those who do not have the opportunity to join - either physically or electronically - other initiatives. Luckily you never have to go far to come in contact with day-to-day life.

For her research, Wainwright, editor of the leftist magazine "Red Pepper", returned to Manchester, among other places, where sh had lived for ten years. Manchester's old working-class neighbourhoods are among those that have been designated by the British government to receive £ 50 million (€ 70 million) each, spread out over a period of 10 years, intended for the improvement of local conditions. "Too much has been imposed from above," said Tony Blair when the funds were granted in 1998, "when experience shows that success depends on the communities themselves having the power and taking responsibility to make things better."

The problems in Manchester - unemployment, vacant buildings, boarded-up shops, hardly any amenities - have yet to be solved. But important progress has been made in strengthening democracy at the local level and the mistrust of political parties has been lessened. The decisive event was the opening up of the management of public services, including decisions about the use of budget and public goods, to public participation. Instead of responding with apathy and cynicism people jumped at the opportunity to exert their influence.

Wainwright observed similar democratic "re-awakenings" in other cities she visited. Nowhere was it more evident than in the Brazilian city of Porto Alegre, the only non-British example covered in the book. When the Partido dos Trabalhadores (the PT, Workers Party) came to power in this relatively prosperous southern Brazilian city in 1989, the party applied their knowledge of communities to effectively combat their problems. Most important of all was the new town council, a forum offering the citizens of Porto Alegre insight into and influence over the city's finances. The result was a tremendous boost to public services and the local economy.

Now that the leader of the PT, Luiz Inacio "Lula" da Silva has become president of Brazil - with the support of 62% of the voters - that fundamental idea of participatory democracy is being grafted onto a nation with a population of 170 million people, who together form the eighth largest economy in the world. Lula realises that his government will not be able to solve the problem of inequality. He wants his people to get organised, to campaign and to exert the pressure needed to have their wishes transformed into reality.

It is a tricky experiment. The idea of strengthening an elected government by allowing citizens' organisations to participate directly in decision making is a relatively new idea. Wainwright acknowledges this, but feels a new resurgence of democracy is needed to address current political problems. Democracy can only be strengthened by more bottom-up experiments. They offer a promising, new meaning to an ancient concept that is in danger of losing its worth.