Recent content by Phyllis Bennis

McCain's was completely unmemorable speech, and his focus on policy was virtually nonexistent, apart from demonising Russia in the Cold War style.
In Obama's foreign policy platform we are potentially seeing the break with Bush's recklessness and unilateralism, but not with the legacy of the US interventionism.
With US threats, Israeli military exercises and Iranian missile tests, it seems like a carefully choreographed build up to the next Middle East conflagration is under way. But can the US really risk a strike on Iran ? Phyllis Bennis weighs up the evidence

There is a danger that the US might bomb Iran before Bush leaves office. Already we are seeing escalating provocations against Iran.

Israel has done what 2000 years of history could not, block the Silk Road from the sea.
The division of Palestinian land within the West Bank, has divided the West Bank, as have the series of roads that connect settlements but bypass Palestinian villages, towns, refugee camps.
The Bush administration's ideologically-driven "no withdrawal, no negotiations" war policies in Iraq, Iran and elsewhere in the region are rapidly and visibly failing.
  • After years of winning massive anti-war victories in public opinion but unable to transform that public opinion into new anti-war policy, the U.S.
You cannot win hearts and minds with ground troops and bombers, says Phyllis Bennis
Today, the Silk Road stops in Abu Dis. The road no longer goes through Jerusalem, and can no longer reach the sea. That grimy, garbage-strewn dead end marks the end of 2,202 years of history.

Beginning around 100 BC, the fabled Silk Road brought goods and travelers from China and Central Asia, through the lands of Persia and Mesopotamia, and over to Palmyra in Syria.

The Bush administration’s attempt to make permanent its occupation of Iraq through imposing a “bilateral” agreement on the Iraqi government is facing growing opposition in Iraq.
  • The Bush administration is escalating its efforts to make permanent its occupation of Iraq through imposing a "bilateral" agreement on the Iraqi government, but Iraqi opposition is growing. If those efforts fail, the U.S. and Iraq may try to pressure the United Nations to extend its current mandate "legalizing" the U.S. occupation.
  • While U.S.

Phyllis Bennis was one of the many Middle East and UN-watchers who anticipated disaster long before the first U.S. troops crossed into Iraq. Here she provides clear, unambiguous and honest answers to many questions about the US Iraq policy.

In a period of rapid decline of American power around the world, the danger of choosing military force to assert US global reach becomes more, not less likely, and nowhere is that more clear than in the Middle East.

This is a period of rapid and dramatic decline of American economic power around the world, and that, along with massive anger directed at U.S. policies around the world, has resulted in a precipitous drop in U.S. diplomatic and political influence. As a result, for those committed to maintaining Washington's superpower status, choosing military force to assert U.S.

The single most important purpose of the Petraeus-Crocker hearing was to ratchet up tensions with Iran, in addition to justify the "surge" and defend permanent occupation.

Even before the House version gets underway on Wednesday, it's clear that Day One of the Petraeus-Crocker show is all about political theater - starring a 4-star general with a chest full of medals and political ambition, and a soft-spoken self-deprecating ambassador, both straight out of central casting.

A Letter from Phyllis Bennis

Dear Friends,

This is an incredibly important and powerful call. I write as an individual, without connection to IPS or any organization.

The Iraqi govt's offensive was designed to undermine Maliki's most powerful political rival, al Sadr, but it has failed.

The Iraqi government's U.S.-backed offensive that began on March 25 was not designed to go after "criminals" and was not limited to Basra. It was designed to eliminate the military and political power of Shia cleric Moqtada al Sadr, Maliki's most powerful Shia rival, ahead of the provincial elections set for October.

The U.S. knew about the planned attacks long ago, and has played a major role in the fighting; Britain has played some role as well.

The Iraqi government’s military offensive in Basra appears to have failed, significantly weakening Bush administration strategy in Iraq.
  • The Iraqi government's military offensive in Basra was designed to undermine Prime Minister al-Maliki's major Shi'a political rival, Moktada al Sadr, but the offensive appears to have failed, and instead is strengthening Sadr's forces and significantly weakening Bush administration strategy in Iraq.
  • The inability of Iraqi government forces to defeat or even halt Sadr's militia in Basra, Baghdad or elsewhere even with massiv
Cheney visit in Middle East intended to isolate Iran and prepare possible war, says Phyllis Bennis.