International agricultural commodity trade is central to the livelihoods of millions of farmers across the globe, and to most countries’ food security strategies. Yet global trade policies are contributing to food insecurity and are undermining livelihoods.
This article documents the rise of finance in food provisioning. It queries the role of financialization in the contemporary food crisis and analyzes its impacts upon power structures and the distribution of wealth within and along the agro-food supply chain.
The paper considers food sovereignty as an aspiration, or value, held by various social movements (first and most notably La Vía Campesina [LVC]) and food producing communities, to control or determine the shape of all aspects of their food system.
This paper centers the food regime as a critical tool for understanding state hegemony, and invokes the introduction of racial categorization to further extend the powerful role of states’ formations historically.
Together with building thriving and functionally integrated farm agroecologies and peasant-controlled economic practices, we need to pay serious attention to things that are normally considered beyond 'agriculture sector.' Very often, the crisis of agriculture is presented in terms of the spread of technologies that take farming away from the control of peasants and entangle them in relations of dependency.
Argentina is known as a “transit country” for cocaine. In the last few decades the use of controlled drugs has increased, and in recent years some cocaine chlorhydrate processing laboratories have appeared, though not to the same extent as in Colombia, Peru or Bolivia. Problem drug use in Argentina is associated with cocaine base paste, known locally as paco or lata.
La ley actual prohíbe el uso de drogas y castiga la posesión para uso personal con internamiento y tratamientos forzosos. A nivel doméstico ha existido siempre un mercado legal para la hoja de coca y Bolivia está tratando de cambiar el régimen legal internacional para la hoja de coca.
Mexico is the Latin American country that has bore the highest costs from the War on Drugs, suffering from high national rates of violence, corruption in state institutions, and an increase in the power of organised crime groups. As with other countries in the region, implementation of a prohibitionist drug law approach has had the adverse effect of increasing the number of people held in prison for minor drug offences. This page summarises the latest developments in the debate on drug law and drug policy in Mexico.
El comercio de carbono —o la comercialización de permisos para contaminar— es un enfoque para reducir las emisiones de carbono basado en el mercado y profundamente ineficaz e injusto. Intentar convertir el carbono de la atmósfera en un producto privatizado ha creado mercados susceptibles a la presión empresarial, desviado la atención de los cambios sistémicos que se necesitan para convertir nuestras economías e infligido injusticias a comunidades marginadas del Norte que quedan atrapadas en las zonas de mayor contaminación y comunidades campesinas del Sur que son despojadas de tierras y medios de sustento en nombre de la acción climática.
Como consecuencia de una tregua entre las principales bandas de delincuentes del país (maras), el número de homicidios en El Salvador, en lo que va de 2013, ha disminuido en un 45 por ciento con respecto al año anterior. Siendo El Salvador uno de los país que tiene una de las tasas de homicidio más elevadas en el mundo (2011: 71 por 100 mil habitantes), la tregua constituye un paso hacia adelante en la erradicación de la violencia en las calles y según algunos, la lucha contra el menudeo y tráfico de drogas.
Significant drug laws reforms have been made in some Latin American countries in recent years. Many of these countries have also made statements in international forums to express their support for effective alternatives to current drug policy. Change is in the air in Latin America. The following questions and answers on Uruguay discuss recent developments in the country with regard to these issues.
Using the case study of the 2012 illegal occupation of farmland owned by the University of California (“Occupy the Farm”), this paper investigates the promises and practical limits of constructing food sovereignty through direct action in the global North. Many grassroots activists find inspiration in the work of the Landless Peasant Movement (MST), La Via Campesina, and the concept(s) of Food Sovereignty (FS); many also express desires to transcend the market/state dichotomy through the creation of “commons”.
What are the class-differentiated implications of food sovereignty in a zone of ecological crisis—Bangladesh’s coastal Khulna district? Much land in this deltaic zone that had previously been employed for various forms of peasant production has been overrun and transformed by the introduction of brackish-water shrimp aquaculture.
Fisheries systems are widely considered to be ‘in crisis’ in both economic and ecological terms, a considerable concern given their significance to food security, international trade and employment the world over. The most common explanation for the crisis suggests that it is caused by weak and illiberal property regimes.