Jair Bolsonaro's victory on October 28 turns Brazil towards the extreme right and backwards in several aspects of its democratic transition initiated with the 1988 Constitution, especially those related to social justice, environment, human rights and the economy. Understanding why he was elected and what he represents is key to grasping the new Brazil emerging from the election and what to expect for the near future.
Los electores, y sobre todo las electoras, que ganan menos de dos salarios mínimos no votaron por Bolsonaro a pesar de la zambullida en las sombras del 55 por ciento: la bancada de militares y policías supera a cualquier otra.
For the first time Brazil has elected a president without the support of the poorest or the destitute. Though 55 percent of the electorate opted to steer the country into the abyss, people with lower incomes did not vote for Bolsonaro. In the new Brazilian Congress the military and police caucus overshadows all others.
La expresiva performance del candidato ultraderechista Jair Bolsonaro, del Partido Social Liberal (PSL), puede ser explicada por tres factores que actuaron de forma simultánea: antipetismo (odio), rechazo al sistema político (frustración) y la consolidación cultural de valores conservadores en la sociedad brasileña.
Brazil has recently undergone a shift from economic growth to recession, as well as from a left-wing, neo-developmentalist politics to one on the far-right, authoritarian and economically ultraliberal. Such an economic and political U-turn touched upon the countryside in contrasting ways. This paper reflects on the politics of the past. It suggests that the road to regression was paved during the tenure of the Worker’s Party (PT), when politics were considered both popular and progressive. And it was under the PT’s rule when the ‘rural world’ mattered the most for politics.
Through the experience of working with kids from Brazil’s favelas (shanty-towns) telling their stories, two film-makers explore how the rise of the authoritarian right in Brazil is based on a deep fear by elites of social mobility and a desire to preserve their traditional privileges through both physical as well as political walls.
“Brasil no es para principiantes”, sostuvo con su poética despiadada Tom Jobim. Entender este país exige una inmensa capacidad de imaginación sociológica. El Brasil de hoy conserva sus marcas históricas, la sociogénesis de un pasado que revive día tras día en la prepotencia de sus élites, en la persistencia de sus estructuras esclavistas y en un sistemático desprecio hacia la democracia y hacia los derechos de casi todos sus habitantes, transformados en extranjeros dentro de una nación sin patria.
The forces that shaped modern Brazil made the rise of a figure such as Lula da Silva all but inevitable. Conditions in Brazil today mean his imprisonment is certainly not the end of this chapter in the nation's story. Pablo Gentili, Executive Secretary of the Latin American Council of Social Sciences (CLACSO), analyses the parallel between Brazil's history and the story of its most charismatic leader.
Can a president institute radical popular change alongside structural inequality and a militarized elite? The Brazilian case suggests that a progressive political party requires more social movement mobilization, not less.