L'Accord de Paris donne pour consigne aux 196 Etats Parties à la Convention Climat des Nations Unies de contenir l'élévation des températures en-dessous de 2° voire 1.5°C par rapport aux niveaux pré-industriels. Si la COP 21 a été l'objet d'une grande mobilisation liée à l’adoption d’un accord international, la COP 22 fait, en revanche, l'objet d'une moindre attention. Pourtant, les enjeux restent prégnants. La COP 22, surnommée « COP de l'action » ou « COP de l'agriculture », risque bien de lancer dans la précipitation nombre de fausses solutions pour l'agriculture.
L'accordo di Parigi ha richiesto alle 196 Parti della Convenzione sul Clima dell'ONU di limitare l'aumento della temperatura a +2° o +1,5° C al di sotto dei livelli preindustriali. Mentre la COP21 aveva visto un alto livello di mobilitazione legato all'adozione di un accordo internazionale, la COP 22 ha invece decisamente ricevuto meno attenzione. Tuttavia le poste in gioco restano significative. Nella fretta, la COP 22, definita "COP dell'azione" o "COP dell'agricoltura", rischia di adottare numerose soluzioni errate nel campo dell'agricoltura.
The Paris Agreement required the 196 Parties to the UN Climate Convention to limit temperature increases to 2° or 1.5°C below preindustrial levels. While COP21 benefited from a high degree of mobilization linked to the adoption of an international agreement, COP 22 on the other hand has received rather less attention. Yet the stakes remain significant. In its haste, COP 22, being called the “action COP” or the “agriculture COP”, is in danger of adopting various misguided solutions for agriculture.
The Paris COP21 talks failed to deliver a meaningful result, judged from either a scientific or social justice point-of-view. However it did reveal the presence of an increasingly sophisticated and powerful climate justice movement that heralds the most hope for a just response to the global climate crisis.
A former project of TNI, aimed to provide a durable body of research which ensures that a holistic and justice-based analysis of climate change and environmental policies is not forgotten or compromised. They are now an independent group. Here you will find articles, reports and information on their work while at TNI.
Will the host city for the November-December world climate summit, COP17, clean up its act? The launch of Durban's strategy, Towards a Low Carbon City suggests the new municipal leaders are climate greenwashers, disguising high-carbon economic policies with pleasing rhetoric.
Ecocide by the "minerals-energy complex" should be faced by a broad-based opposition, focusing on sanctions against neo-colonial exploitation, and international solidarity with the communities affected.
The resumé of Trevor Manuel, confirmed co-chair of the Green Climate Fund, gives reason to worry. As South Africa's finance minister, he frequently rewarded transnational corporations at the cost of rising inequality, unemployment and environmental degradation.
The global carbon market grew in 2009. Far from signalling a success, this reflects a massive increase in fraud, the dumping of surplus emissions permits by industry, and a rise in financial speculation.
Although carbon offsets are often presented as emissions reductions,
they do not actually reduce emissions. At best, they move reductions to
where it is cheapest to make them, which normally means a shift from
Northern to Southern countries.
South African based multinational, Sasol, is nominated for the Angry
Mermaid Award for its national and international lobbying campaign to
promote Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS) as a clean solution to the
dirty business of producing liquid fuels from coal and gas. Tristen Taylor of Earthlife Africa Johannesburg tells the story of its many attempts to benefit from carbon trading.