L'Accord de Paris donne pour consigne aux 196 Etats Parties à la Convention Climat des Nations Unies de contenir l'élévation des températures en-dessous de 2° voire 1.5°C par rapport aux niveaux pré-industriels. Si la COP 21 a été l'objet d'une grande mobilisation liée à l’adoption d’un accord international, la COP 22 fait, en revanche, l'objet d'une moindre attention. Pourtant, les enjeux restent prégnants. La COP 22, surnommée « COP de l'action » ou « COP de l'agriculture », risque bien de lancer dans la précipitation nombre de fausses solutions pour l'agriculture.
L'accordo di Parigi ha richiesto alle 196 Parti della Convenzione sul Clima dell'ONU di limitare l'aumento della temperatura a +2° o +1,5° C al di sotto dei livelli preindustriali. Mentre la COP21 aveva visto un alto livello di mobilitazione legato all'adozione di un accordo internazionale, la COP 22 ha invece decisamente ricevuto meno attenzione. Tuttavia le poste in gioco restano significative. Nella fretta, la COP 22, definita "COP dell'azione" o "COP dell'agricoltura", rischia di adottare numerose soluzioni errate nel campo dell'agricoltura.
The Paris Agreement required the 196 Parties to the UN Climate Convention to limit temperature increases to 2° or 1.5°C below preindustrial levels. While COP21 benefited from a high degree of mobilization linked to the adoption of an international agreement, COP 22 on the other hand has received rather less attention. Yet the stakes remain significant. In its haste, COP 22, being called the “action COP” or the “agriculture COP”, is in danger of adopting various misguided solutions for agriculture.
In December 2015, 195 countries gathered in Paris and adopted the first-ever universal, legally binding global climate deal. They expressed their joint willingness to keep the global average temperature below 2 degrees Celsius by the end of this century, but they did not adopt any explicit emission reductions targets against which they could be held accountable for.
The Paris COP21 talks failed to deliver a meaningful result, judged from either a scientific or social justice point-of-view. However it did reveal the presence of an increasingly sophisticated and powerful climate justice movement that heralds the most hope for a just response to the global climate crisis.
Lyda Fernanda Forero: "They are using a fake argument. It's to sell the right to pollute. And instead of that we should say: No pollution. So, by creating these we say: Yes, ok, it's fine if you pollute as long as you pay. And that is really complicated and is taking out of the discussion the real problem, which are these emissions."
On the occasion of the UN climate change negotiations in Lima, Peru – known as COP20 – we reaffirm that rejecting REDD+ and ‘environmental services’, two manifestations of the so-‐called ‘green economy’, is a central part of our struggle against capitalism and extractive industries and the defence of territories, life and Mother Earth.
Lyda Fernanda Forero is an economist who carries out analysis and campaigning on trade and investment policies, the architecture of impunity created for transnational corporations, and new trends in financialisation and commodification of nature and life. Lyda is Colombian, she has a BA degree in Economics and has master studies in History at the Universidad Nacional de Colombia, where...
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A former project of TNI, aimed to provide a durable body of research which ensures that a holistic and justice-based analysis of climate change and environmental policies is not forgotten or compromised. They are now an independent group. Here you will find articles, reports and information on their work while at TNI.
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