Characterizing food sovereignty and neoliberal food production ideologies as dichotomous and oppositional, the first as positive and enriching and the second as negative and impoverishing, has given the food sovereignty movement some heuristic heft. However, presenting these two approaches as universal ideal types may overlook the diverse contexts they engage.
Kirit Patel, David Guenther, Kyle Wiebe, Ruth-Anne Seburn
01 January 2013
While Indian Policy makers have claimed that the number of people leaving below the poverty line has been reduced, a spatial analysis of poverty data reveals that most of the gains achieved have been concentrated within rural areas while the urban poor continue to experience abject poverty, food insecurity and malnutrition.
International agricultural commodity trade is central to the livelihoods of millions of farmers across the globe, and to most countries’ food security strategies. Yet global trade policies are contributing to food insecurity and are undermining livelihoods.
This article documents the rise of finance in food provisioning. It queries the role of financialization in the contemporary food crisis and analyzes its impacts upon power structures and the distribution of wealth within and along the agro-food supply chain.
The paper considers food sovereignty as an aspiration, or value, held by various social movements (first and most notably La Vía Campesina [LVC]) and food producing communities, to control or determine the shape of all aspects of their food system.
This paper centers the food regime as a critical tool for understanding state hegemony, and invokes the introduction of racial categorization to further extend the powerful role of states’ formations historically.
Together with building thriving and functionally integrated farm agroecologies and peasant-controlled economic practices, we need to pay serious attention to things that are normally considered beyond 'agriculture sector.' Very often, the crisis of agriculture is presented in terms of the spread of technologies that take farming away from the control of peasants and entangle them in relations of dependency.
Pien Metaal, Mirella van Dun, Hugo Cabieses Cubas, Sebastian Scholl
31 December 2012
At the International Conference on Alternative Development (ICAD), held 15-16 November 2012 in Lima, the Peruvian Government continued to insist on the relevance of “Alternative Development (AD),” with particular emphasis on the so-called San Martín “miracle” or “model.” The model, started with the support of international cooperation, is proposed by Peru as a paradigm to be followed worldwide by regions and countries that also deal with problems associated with crops grown for illicit purposes.
Rodrigo Uprimny Yepes, Diana Esther Guzmán, Jorge Parra Norato
31 December 2012
In Latin America, trafficking cocaine so it can be sold to someone who wants to use it is more serious than raping a woman or deliberately killing your neighbor. While it may seem incredible, that is the conclusion of a rigorous study of the evolution of criminal legislation in the region, which shows that countries’ judicial systems mete out harsher penalties for trafficking even modest amounts of drugs than for acts as heinous as sexual assault or murder.
Mexico is the Latin American country that has bore the highest costs from the War on Drugs, suffering from high national rates of violence, corruption in state institutions, and an increase in the power of organised crime groups. As with other countries in the region, implementation of a prohibitionist drug law approach has had the adverse effect of increasing the number of people held in prison for minor drug offences. This page summarises the latest developments in the debate on drug law and drug policy in Mexico.
The three UN Drug Conventions of 1961, 1971 and 1988 currently impose a ‘one-size-fits-all’ prohibitionist approach to drug policy throughout the world. This new report explains in detail how the Conventions could be amended in order to give countries greater freedom to adopt drug policies better suited to their special needs.
En respuesta a la actual oleada de acaparamientos de tierras, se está librando una batalla política para controlar el carácter, el ritmo, los parámetros y trayectoria del discurso, y los instrumentos de gobernanza de la tierra.
An international seminar in Montevideo, co-organised by TNI and the Uruguayan government, shared the latest learning and innovation by state-owned enterprises across Latin America and affirmed their importance as instruments for economic and social development.
Rodrigo Uprimny Yepes, Diana Esther Guzmán, Jorge Parra Norato (eds.)
05 December 2012
En América Latina es más grave contrabandear marihuana con el fin de venderla a quien quiere consumirla, que violar a una mujer o matar voluntariamente al vecino, esta es la conclusión de una publicación dada a conocer por el Colectivo de Estudios Drogas y Derecho (CEDD). La publicación se basa en el estudio de la legislación penal de drogas en siete países latinoamericanos (México, Perú, Ecuador, Colombia, Brasil, Argentina, Bolivia). La sobre-penalización del delito de drogas ha recaído partícularmente en los eslabones más bajos de la cadena, en vez de los altos o medianos mandos del narcotráfico.