As Ecuador’s new president, Lenin Moreno Garcés, gave his inaugural speech to the National Assembly members, and a number of invited Latin American presidents, an important question is what will change after the ten-year incumbency of his predecessor, Rafael Correa.
Across the Standing Rock Reserve, the heartland of the original American Sioux tribe, an oil pipeline is being constructed, threatening access to clean water for many. There is a strong opposition among the residents. In the Netherlands there are also fights against fossil fuel energy, damage to buildings through gas extraction and nuclear power plants. Connect with activists from Standing Rock during a tour across the Netherlands.
ERPI is starting a Working Paper series, supported by a limited number of small grants, to allow for the writing up of original research. In parallel they are inviting short contributions in a variety of media that help to map out responses and alternatives. The Initiative will hold a major international conference, bringing this work together, with the aim of thinking together about new directions, both for academic research and practical action.
The South African government’s plan to bulldoze through a nuclear energy deal has been dealt what might be a fatal blow by the Cape Town High court which has declared the plan invalid. It found that the government had not followed due process in making the decision to pursue a nuclear power option, as well as in other critical areas.
The US military may be the last defender of climate science within the Trump administration, but don't expect the Pentagon to fight for climate justice. Preparing for climate crises is a funding boon for the military, which exists to uphold a fossil fuel-hungry empire that is driving climate disruption in the first place.
Climate change mitigation/adaptation and land grabbing are not necessarily isolated or separate phenomena. In many parts of the world such initiatives are hitting the ground in the same spaces and at the same time, often alongside environmental conservation programs as well. When they overlap and intersect, the results can be socially and politically explosive. In the transitional settings of Cambodia and Myanmar, old conflicts are being enflamed and new conflicts are being ignited, while customary ways of life and production systems are being branded as destructive or inefficient (or both) and ordinary villagers are being squeezed out.
Using collaborative action research the MOSAIC project is working to strengthen understanding of these dynamics and build capacity for more effective state policies and grassroots action and interaction, for socially and environmentally just outcomes in the case study areas and beyond.
Residents of the Dutch city of Groningen, where gas is being extracted by the Dutch Petroleum Company (NAM), have lost confidence in the company, and in the regulations intended to protect them. Social movements, civil society organisations and local political parties gathered and discussed the dismantling of the NAM and the need to democratise the energy sector.
Amidst the many challenges Myanmar now faces, the threats to the environment are urgent – and they are growing more extreme. The situation is especially serious in the case of mega dams and hydropower where a host of projects are being promoted, without appropriate planning or public consultation, that are likely to cause irreversible harm to communities and natural ecosystems around the country. Not only are many of the projects located in nationality areas that are conflict zones, but the bulk of the energy produced will also be exported to neighbouring countries.
Trump's obsession with security is not an anomaly, but a reflection of a growing tide of fear-based politics that has also shaped the climate change debate. In an interview about TNI's book, The Secure and the Dispossessed, Nick Buxton reflects on the 'securitisation' of climate change and the need to advocate a just transition.
This new report shows how the 'rights-based approach' to fisheries governance is in fact a mechanism for depriving indigenous and subsistence fisherfolk of their traditional waters and transferring them to corporations and economic elites. It must be replaced with a human rights approach.
L'Accord de Paris donne pour consigne aux 196 Etats Parties à la Convention Climat des Nations Unies de contenir l'élévation des températures en-dessous de 2° voire 1.5°C par rapport aux niveaux pré-industriels. Si la COP 21 a été l'objet d'une grande mobilisation liée à l’adoption d’un accord international, la COP 22 fait, en revanche, l'objet d'une moindre attention. Pourtant, les enjeux restent prégnants. La COP 22, surnommée « COP de l'action » ou « COP de l'agriculture », risque bien de lancer dans la précipitation nombre de fausses solutions pour l'agriculture.
L'accordo di Parigi ha richiesto alle 196 Parti della Convenzione sul Clima dell'ONU di limitare l'aumento della temperatura a +2° o +1,5° C al di sotto dei livelli preindustriali. Mentre la COP21 aveva visto un alto livello di mobilitazione legato all'adozione di un accordo internazionale, la COP 22 ha invece decisamente ricevuto meno attenzione. Tuttavia le poste in gioco restano significative. Nella fretta, la COP 22, definita "COP dell'azione" o "COP dell'agricoltura", rischia di adottare numerose soluzioni errate nel campo dell'agricoltura.
The Paris Agreement required the 196 Parties to the UN Climate Convention to limit temperature increases to 2° or 1.5°C below preindustrial levels. While COP21 benefited from a high degree of mobilization linked to the adoption of an international agreement, COP 22 on the other hand has received rather less attention. Yet the stakes remain significant. In its haste, COP 22, being called the “action COP” or the “agriculture COP”, is in danger of adopting various misguided solutions for agriculture.