ERPI is starting a Working Paper series, supported by a limited number of small grants, to allow for the writing up of original research. In parallel they are inviting short contributions in a variety of media that help to map out responses and alternatives. The Initiative will hold a major international conference, bringing this work together, with the aim of thinking together about new directions, both for academic research and practical action.
Impression of the Dutch delegation at the Nyéléni Europe Forum 2016 in Cluj-Napoca, Romania. Over 500 people from all over Europe gathered there at the end of October for five days to lay the groundwork to take back, relocalise our food systems and multiply food sovereignty platforms across the continent.
There are serious concerns that government reforms will further exacerbate land tenure and food insecurity for the majority of the population in Myanmar who rely on their farm fields and forests for their livelihoods.
Marco Aurelio, prominent leader of the MST (Brazilian Landless Workers Movement), speaks with Benny Kuruvilla on current developments in Brazil. Rightwing politicians have been busy cutting allocations in social sectors, revising labour laws and undermining the progressive Constitution. Social movements such as MST have been in the forefront in creating broad based progressive platforms to oppose the Temer Government.
Two months ago, the Government of India announced a massive demonetisation exercise that effectively nullified 86% of the currency in circulation. Economist and Former Member of the Planning Commission of India, Professor Abhijit Sen speaks to Benny Kuruvilla of TNI about its failed attempt at curtailing black money. Sen further elaborates on its body blow to Indian agriculture and employment- both in the informal and formal sectors. With challenges looming on the domestic and international economic front, 2017 does indeed look bleak for the Modi Government.
Amidst the many challenges Myanmar now faces, the threats to the environment are urgent – and they are growing more extreme. The situation is especially serious in the case of mega dams and hydropower where a host of projects are being promoted, without appropriate planning or public consultation, that are likely to cause irreversible harm to communities and natural ecosystems around the country. Not only are many of the projects located in nationality areas that are conflict zones, but the bulk of the energy produced will also be exported to neighbouring countries.
The EU's reputation for clean and sustainable energy conceals a dirtier reality, particularly where renewable energy policies and development are driven by corporate interests. Today, nearly two thirds of all “renewable” energy in the EU comes from bio-energy. Although bio-energy appears to provide a sustainable alternative to fossil fuels, there are serious questions about its actual emissions profile, and about environmental and social conflicts which are created or exacerbated by the industrial-scale production of biomass to meet European energy needs.
L'Accord de Paris donne pour consigne aux 196 Etats Parties à la Convention Climat des Nations Unies de contenir l'élévation des températures en-dessous de 2° voire 1.5°C par rapport aux niveaux pré-industriels. Si la COP 21 a été l'objet d'une grande mobilisation liée à l’adoption d’un accord international, la COP 22 fait, en revanche, l'objet d'une moindre attention. Pourtant, les enjeux restent prégnants. La COP 22, surnommée « COP de l'action » ou « COP de l'agriculture », risque bien de lancer dans la précipitation nombre de fausses solutions pour l'agriculture.
L'accordo di Parigi ha richiesto alle 196 Parti della Convenzione sul Clima dell'ONU di limitare l'aumento della temperatura a +2° o +1,5° C al di sotto dei livelli preindustriali. Mentre la COP21 aveva visto un alto livello di mobilitazione legato all'adozione di un accordo internazionale, la COP 22 ha invece decisamente ricevuto meno attenzione. Tuttavia le poste in gioco restano significative. Nella fretta, la COP 22, definita "COP dell'azione" o "COP dell'agricoltura", rischia di adottare numerose soluzioni errate nel campo dell'agricoltura.
The Paris Agreement required the 196 Parties to the UN Climate Convention to limit temperature increases to 2° or 1.5°C below preindustrial levels. While COP21 benefited from a high degree of mobilization linked to the adoption of an international agreement, COP 22 on the other hand has received rather less attention. Yet the stakes remain significant. In its haste, COP 22, being called the “action COP” or the “agriculture COP”, is in danger of adopting various misguided solutions for agriculture.
The outcome of the October 2nd plebiscite in Colombia was a surprise for the international community and different democratic sectors in the country. It was an invitation to the Colombian population to endorse the Agreements reached between Juan Manuel Santos’ Government and the left wing guerrilla group, the Armed Revolutionary Forces of Colombia (FARC). The outcome was a surprise even among the conservative sectors and those that had opposed the Agreements, who did not expect a majority of a NO vote. The Agreements aimed to end the armed conflict with the guerrilla group which has lasted for more than 50 years.
The economic and political rise of the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) has far-reaching implications for global agrarian transformation as key sites of production, circulation and consumption of agricultural commodities.